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McCarthy’s ‘No Win’ Shutdown Scenario_我的网站

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A | 新加坡制造业在经历了一段时期的下滑之后，终于在7月份迎来了令人振奋的反弹。据新加坡经济发展局于8月26日发布的预估数据显示，7月份制造业产值同比大幅增长1.8%，成功扭转了6月份4.3%的下降趋势，并且这一成绩远超市场预期。这一转变主要得益于电子行业的持续复苏，预计未来几个月制造业产值将进一步改善。

With pressure mounting to avert a government shutdown, heightened by culture war demands from House conservatives burned by previous brawls, the House speaker faces a difficult decision – risk a shutdown or risk the gavel.

That was 2015. But 2023 is treading a similar course.

For former House Speaker John Boehner, it was the final chapter in a lengthy standoff with House conservatives that contributed to his resignation from Congress after 25 years and almost five in the top job. For current House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, just seven months into his tenure, the outcome remains an open question.

With a looming deadline to fund the government and much left to be accomplished upon Congress’ return from recess, McCarthy and other congressional leaders expressed willingness earlier this month to pass a stop-gap measure to keep the government funded, buying lawmakers more time to work out the 12 appropriations bills they’ve been pursuing. But demands from the House Freedom Caucus have complicated the effort and put McCarthy in yet another bind from the right that analysts say could be the one to put his leadership position on the line.

“This is now the most important fight he faces as speaker and the choice between kind of the campaigning arm, the House Freedom Caucus arm, and the actual governing arm of keeping a government running,” says Casey Burgat, the director of the Legislative Affairs Program at George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management.

McCarthy has walked a fine line with the conservatives since the speaker battle, when they took him 15 grueling rounds before granting him his win, and in turn gained the power to bring up a vote for his ouster, lowering the threshold to just a single lawmaker.

So when the House Freedom Caucus announced it would oppose a stop-gap measure to keep the government funded unless certain conservative provisions are includes – like addressing DOJ "weaponization" and ending "woke" Pentagon policies – it prompted a confrontation with McCarthy that’s been brewing and bubbling in fits and starts for months, ready to boil over.

Such legislation would lose support among House Democrats and face steep odds in the Democrat-controlled Senate, making a shutdown likely. But without the support of conservatives on a clean continuing resolution and only a few votes to spare in the GOP narrow majority, McCarthy will likely need to rely on Democrats to approve a stop-gap measure – a move sure to provoke the hard-liners in his caucus.

“This is where his choice comes in,” Burgat says. “If he takes Democratic support, which likely he'll need to do, then that opens himself up to at least a motion to vacate because it only takes one now.”

The contours of the standoff were previewed during the debate over the debt ceiling, as House conservatives demanded controversial spending cuts and policies that put McCarthy in a difficult negotiating position with Democrats and the White House. Ultimately, Democratic votes on the debt ceiling agreement outnumbered Republicans in the House in a turn of events that infuriated some members of the House Freedom Caucus.

That same small but vocal minority – numbering in the mid-30s out of 222 Republicans in the chamber, though the caucus doesn’t publicize the exact number – made their frustration known just days later, when they blocked a routine vote, sending the chamber into a week-long gridlock. At the chamber’s reunification, McCarthy told reporters they had agreed to “sit down and talk more” in future spending negotiations. And shortly after, Republican appropriators agreed to mark up the 12 spending bills well below the levels agreed to in the debt ceiling deal in what appeared to be a major concession made to the House Freedom Caucus that has colored the funding process so far.

But this time, emboldened by the shortcomings in the last fiscal battle, they may come out with a greater show of force, as McCarthy faces what political science professor Rob Mellen Jr. calls a “no win situation.”

“I think this might be the fight they're willing to go to the mat for,” says Mellen, of the University of South Florida. “That this time if he really doesn't feel like he's going to compromise with them and give them what they want, that they may be willing to just say, ‘Hey, we'll shut this down. We'll go that direction, and we'll remove you if you go to the Democrats.’”

Members of the Freedom Caucus have for months suggested that they would be willing to let the government shut down if they don’t agree with the funding package. Indeed, for the conservatives, who largely hail from safe districts, there isn’t much to lose, as analysts note that if the government shuts down and Republicans are blamed, the conservatives won’t be on the chopping block like their colleagues in swing districts.

But some have noted that for the Freedom Caucus, perhaps armed with the understanding that their demands have little chance of becoming reality, the ultimate goal may be McCarthy’s removal after all.

“It just puts McCarthy in this bind and sort of forces his hand almost to do what he did before, which is get the government funded with Democratic votes, and in so doing, they can respond by triggering a call for his removal,” says David C. Barker, professor of government and director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University. “And I think that's what they're agitating toward. That's what they want. That's kind of what they wanted from the beginning. And they've been looking for a mechanism to do it. And I think maybe all along they've planned on this being the one.”

True to form, Rep. Ronny Jackson of Texas didn’t mince words about McCarthy’s dilemma with the Freedom Caucus last week, calling a motion to oust McCarthy “inevitable” if he continues to rely on Democrats.

“McCarthy’s going to have to listen to the people on the right or else he’s going to have to rely on the Democrats to pass this,” Jackson said on Steve Bannon’s “War Room” podcast. “But I’m telling you if that happens, I mean, it’s going to be detrimental to leadership in the House if they blow off the concerns of the people like myself and Freedom Caucus and some of the other people on the right that are making reasonable demands in this process – it’s going to be a problem.”

Whether McCarthy can rely on Democrats to back a CR is one thing. But whether they’ll protect his gavel is another matter altogether.

Some dynamics suggest at least some Democrats would come to his aid, like reports of a coalition of Democrats offering McCarthy a deal during the debt ceiling fight that they would help him keep his job should he responsibly raise the debt ceiling. Another calculation for Democrats is McCarthy’s possible replacement, who likely wouldn’t align more closely with their positions, making McCarthy’s retention arguably in Democrats' best interest.

But even if McCarthy survives a motion for his ouster with the help of Democrats or calls conservatives’ bluff and his speakership isn’t ultimately threatened, analysts say his hold on the conference will remain shaky and his ability to get things done stunted.

“He can only afford to lose four. And if there's 40 that are just mad at him all the time, then they're going to be reluctant to support him even if it's on things that they want to,” Burgat says. “They've proven willing to shut down the chamber even when it's run by their own party. And so, as much as he'll defang them on this one vote, he'll need them again for any Republican priorities to be passed out of the House heading into an election year.”

It’s a dynamic that haunted Boehner for years and ultimately contributed to his early departure. And the House Freedom Caucus has only grown bigger and more brash, releasing statements and listing demands publicly, while McCarthy’s margin is just a fraction of what the former speaker’s was in 2015.

“McCarthy is closer to being one of them than Boehner ever was,” Barker says. “Boehner really was more of a traditional Chamber of Commerce-type of Republican whereas McCarthy stylistically and policy-wise for some time now has been a MAGA-friendly flame thrower right in line with them. He certainly was during the Trump years. And so, you know, it just shows their willingness to eat their own.”

Unlike McCarthy, Boehner was already on his way out, planning to resign months later, when he made the decision to step down. Even then, he noted that had he not been planning to leave, he wouldn’t have done so when talk of a motion to vacate began swirling.

“It was never about the vote. There was never any doubt about whether I could survive a vote, but I don’t want my members to have to go through this, and I certainly don’t want the institution to go through this, especially when I knew I was thinking about walking out the door anyway,” he told reporters at the time.

When asked what advice he would give to McCarthy, then his presumed successor, he urged the California Republican to protect the institution. And when questioned by another reporter about whether the next speaker would ultimately face the same fate, he earnestly replied.

。图源：FACEBOOK具体来看，若排除生物医药领域，7月份的产值同比增长了3.4%，较前一个月2.2%的跌幅实现了显著逆转。

B | 这一增长超出了市场普遍预期，彭博社此前的调查显示，市场对7月制造业产值的增长预测中位数为0.2%。经季节性调整后，7月份制造业产值环比激增10.1%，若不包括生物医药领域，环比增长为4.1%。电子业持续复苏生物医药行业极不稳定 在各个领域中，电子业作为制造业产值的权重大户，在7月份同比增长了2.8%，成功扭转了前一个月6.7%的下降趋势。

C | 特别是电脑配件与数据储存产出的大幅增长34.9%，为电子业的复苏贡献颇大。图源：FACEBOOK交通工程业产值在7月份也实现了13.3%的增长，其中航空业产值增长了21.7%，这主要得益于飞机零件需求的增加以及航空公司对保养、维修与翻修（MRO）服务的增长。此外，一般制造业、化学业和精密工程业的产值分别同比增长了7.3%、1.7%和0.7%。然而，生物医药业作为波动较大的领域，在7月份却是唯一出现萎缩的领域，同比萎缩了17.4%，尽管这一萎缩幅度较6月份的22.3%有所收窄。药剂业产值下跌了27.4%，主要由于生产的活性药物成分组合与去年同期不同，自3月以来，生物医药业一直处于萎缩状态。制造业势头或将持续向好 新加坡采购与物流管理学院（SIPMM）的数据显示，新加坡整体制造业已连续11个月保持扩张，且增速有所加快，电子业连续第九个月处于扩张状态。

D | 智能手机和个人电脑的更换需求，以及人工智能应用的广泛采纳，推动了全球科技行业的上升周期，这对本地电子业公司来说是一大利好。展望未来，大华银行高级经济师柳天成对制造业产值的增长势头持乐观态度。随着发达经济体中央银行开始或继续降低政策利率，可能会刺激海外投资和消费活动，从而推动制造业产值在年底及明年实现更实质的增长。

E | 消费者对疫情期间购买的旧款或过时电子产品的更换需求，以及市场补充库存的需求，预计将有助于推动电子行业的复苏。星展银行经济师蔡汉廷也对电子业的持续复苏持乐观态度。他指出，7月份的电子制造业采购经理指数（PMI）持续扩张，显示出新加坡电子产品的外部需求依然强劲。图源：CNA不过，蔡汉廷也提醒，地缘紧张局势的持续可能会对复苏前景带来不确定因素。如果地缘政治局势恶化，可能会对供应链造成干扰，从而拖累全球贸易和制造活动的表现。

F | 华侨银行首席经济师林秀心指出，去年8月份制造业产值萎缩12.9%，是全年表现最差的月份。因此，这一较低的基数效应将有助于今年8月份产值有所改善，延续7月份的增长趋势。新加坡制造业在7月份实现了令人鼓舞的反弹，特别是在电子业的带领下，预计未来几个月将继续保持增长势头。然而，投资者仍需关注外部环境的变化，特别是地缘政治局势对制造业复苏可能产生的影响。

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Published on:10:54:18

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